ASOG delivers statement on political dynasties at Senate Committee Hearing

Last 10 September 2019, Ateneo School of Government Dean Ronald Mendoza provided evidence-based inputs at the recent committee hearing on anti-dynasty legislation organized by the Senate Committee on Election Reforms and People’s Participation, joint with the Committees on Local Government, and Finance. The hearing was facilitated by Senator Imee Marcos, and was attended by key members of national government agencies, non-government organizations, political parties, think tanks, and the academe.
 
Drawing from the ongoing policy research on political dynasties by the Ateneo Policy Center, Dr. Mendoza provided data showing the continued expansion of fat dynasties—many have become obese—following the 2019 midterm elections. With research suggesting that more fat dynasties weaken checks-and-balances in our democracy, leading to bad governance, and consequently weaker development outcomes, the practical proposal is to regulate political dynasties by limiting fat dynasties (families with members that simultaneously occupy elective positions o “sabay-sabay”) and giving more leeway to thin dynasties (families have members that follow each other in elected positions over time o “sunod-sunod”).
 
Read the full statement below:
 
 
THE CASE FOR REGULATING POLITICAL DYNASTIES
Ronald U. Mendoza, PhD[1], Ateneo Policy Center
 

A political dynasty can be defined as a “family that has successfully retained political power by maintaining control over one or several elective positions over successive generations.” In the Philippines, dynasties can be described as “thin” when families have members that follow each other in elected positions over time, or “fat” when families have members that simultaneously occupy elective positions. These so-called “fat dynasties” are more pervasive in the poorest provinces in the country which are characterized by low levels of human development, bad governance, violence, and poor business climates.
 
Several studies have already identified a relationship across political dynasties, underdevelopment and poverty. The research suggests that more fat dynasties weaken checks-and-balances in our democracy, leading to bad governance, and consequently weaker development outcomes.  
 
Following the 2019 midterm elections, our data on local government leaders shows that fat dynasties continued to expand—and many became obese. The share of fat dynasties has increased from 19% of all local elected officials in 1988 to 29% in 2019, growing at about 1%, or around 170 positions, per election period. In 2004, around 57% of Governors were fat dynasties. This has risen to over 80% of Governors by 2019. Similarly, among Congressmen, fat dynasties accounted for 48% in 2004 rising to 67% by 2019.
 
Our proposal for practical political viability of the law is simple: bawal ang sabay-sabay pero pwede nang payagan ang sunod-sunod. There’s still democracy when families choose to succeed each other only one at a time, but when they capture many local positions at the same time, that is when unintended consequences pervade politics.
 
The anti-dynasty provision in the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Act already leads the way in possible reform. According to our estimates, if similar provisions are applied to rest of the political system, then up to 25% of local elected positions could be freed for new political leaders. Farmers, teachers, doctors, soldiers, fishermen, businessmen, and most importantly our youth sector can be better represented – ending the monopoly of political clans.
 
We would like to thank Senator Bam Aquino, Senator JV Ejercito and Senator Bongbong Marcos for backing the SK reform which now give our youth stronger voice. These leaders all come from powerful political families – but they chose for our nation, and not just for their clans.
 
We do not believe in banning political dynasties—that would be impractical and not feasible. We argue here that regulation of political dynasties will level the electoral playing field for everyday Filipinos. Regulate the size -- papayatin natin ang fat dynasties. Kung kayang gawin ng mga bata sa SK ang tama, bakit hindi kayang tularan ito ng mas nakatatanda?
 
Building a more inclusive democracy and regulating dynasties is consistent with aspirations in the country for a more inclusive society, successful decentralization, and a fairer and more competitive political process. Give a chance to others. Our democracy is not a family business.
 
 
***STATEMENT IN FILIPINO
 
Ang political dynasty ay “isang makapangyarihang pamilyang may kontrol sa pulitika sa pamamagitan ng pananatili sa pwesto nang sunod-sunod na henerasyon.” Sa Pilipinas, ang isang dynasty ay tinatawagan na “thin” kapag sunod-sunod na nananalo sa pwesto ang mga miyembro ng pamilya at “fat” naman kapag sabay-sabay na nanunungkulan ang mga magkakamag-anak. Ang mga “fat dynasty” ay mas madalas nakikita sa mga pinakamahihirap na mga lalawigan, kung saan laganap ang kahirapan, corrupt ang pamumuno, laganap ang karahasan, at mahina ang ekonomiya. 
 
Maraming nang mga pag-aaral ang nagpapakita ng kaugnayan ng political dynasties at kahirapan. Ipinapakita ng  pag-aaral na ito na ang mga fat dynasties ay nagpapahina ng checks-and-balances sa ating demokrasya na nagiging sanhi ng corrupt na pamumuno at hindi pag-unlad.
 
Matapos ang 2019 midterm elections, pinapakita ng datos namin na patuloy na dumarami ang fat dynasties – at marami ay tuluyang naging obese. Saklaw ang lahat ng lokal na posisyon, tumaas ang porsyento ng fat dynasties mula 19% noong 1988 papuntang 29% sa 2019. 1% o 170 na fat dynastic na opisyal ang karaniwang dumadagdag bawat eleksyon. Sa mga Gobernador pa lamang, tumaas na mula 57% noong 2004 papuntang 80% ngayong 2019 ang porsyentong hawak ng fat dynasties. Para sa mga kongresista naman, 48% ang fat dynasties noong 2004 at 67% na ngayong 2019.
 
Ang praktikal na mungkahi namin ay simple lang: pagbawalan ang pagtakbo nang sabay-sabay, pero pwede nang payagan ang sunod-sunod. May delikadeza pa rin kapag sunod-sunod ang pagtakbo ng magkakamaganak, pero kapag sabay-sabay na sila humahawak ng posisyon, doon nagkakaroon ng mga problema.
 
Ang anti-dynasty provision sa SK Reform Act ay nagsisilbing simula ng posibleng reporma. Ayon sa aming pagtantiya, kapag naipasa natin ang batas na may provision tulad ng SK Reform Act, halos 25% ng mga lokal na posisyon ay maging bukas para sa mga bagong opisyal. Kung mawakasan ang monopoly ng mga politcla clans, magkakaroon ng tunay na representasyon ang ating mga magsasaka, guro, doktor, sundalo, mangingisda, negosyante at pinakamahalaga ang ating mga kabataan.
 
Nais naming pasalamatan sina Senator Bam Aquino, Senator JV Ejercito at Senator Bongbong Marcos sa kanilang pagsuporta sa SK reform na ngayon ay nagbibigay ng boses sa ating mga kabataan. Bagaman ang mga lider na ito ay nanggaling mula sa makapangyarihang political families - sa pagsulong ng SK reform, pinili nila ang ating bansa, at hindi lamang ang kanilang pamilya.
 
Hindi kami naniniwala sa pagbabawal sa political dynasties – ito ay impraktikal at imposible. Ang aming isinusulong ay ang regulasyon ng political dynasties upang masigurado na patas at may laban sa eleksyon ang mga karaniwang Pilipino. Regulate the size -- papayatin natin ang fat dynasties. Kung kayang gawin ng mga bata sa SK ang tama, bakit hindi kayang tularan ito ng mas nakatatanda?
 
Ito ay naaalinsunod din sa pangarap natin bilang bansa para sa isang sa mas inclusive na lipunan, matagumpay na desentralisasyon ng kapangyarihan, mas patas at competitive na electoral system, at mas balanse at makatarungang pag-unlad ng ekonomiya. Bigyan ng pagkakataon ang iba. Ang ating demokrasya ay hindi family business.
 
+AMDG
 

[1] The views expressed herein are those of the speaker, and do not necessarily reflects the views and policies of the Ateneo de Manila University.